Vote for Rowhani Was a No to the Principlists

Fereshteh Ghazi
Fereshteh Ghazi

» Spokesman for the Steadfast Front Tells Rooz:

Less than two years have passed since the creation of the Steadfast Front – a group made up of conservative hardliners who proclaim adherence to what they call are the original principles of the 1979 Islamic revolution - whose 20-man decision-making central council is said by its spokesperson to work under the direct supervision of a group of three clerics. Ultra conservative cleric ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi is one of the clerics who approves or rejects the rulings of the Front’s central council, the second cleric is said to have passed away while the name of the third cleric has not been publicly announced apparently on his own request as told to Rooz by the Front’s spokesman, who added, “I know the reason (why he does not want his name to be known) but would be revealing his identity if I did.”

Soon after Hassan Rowhani won the presidential race, Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh, the spokesperson of the Steadfast Front told reporters that even if Mr. Rowhani’s administration wanted to pursue goals such as political development and civil freedoms, it would be confronted by certain groups.

Rooz spoke with Ghazizadeh on the political scene in the country. Read on for the excerpts of the interview.

Rooz: What is your opinion on the election since your candidate did not win the race?

Ghazizadeh: We act on our religious and legal duties, just as we acted regarding Mr. Ahmadinejad. First of all, it is wrong to look at this as a zero sum issue. We look at people’s behavior in relation to the principles of the regime and the ideals of the revolution, and in how they solve people’s problems. Just as I had raised criticism in the 2005 and 2009 elections against the administration that I favored.

Rooz: In an interview with ISNA you had said that even Mr. Rowhani wanted to try to advance such issues s political development and civil freedoms there were groups that would challenge him.

Ghazizadeh: Yes.

Rooz: But what is your issue with political development?

Ghazizadeh: This is something that I would like to discuss with domestic not foreign media because I do not know what will your interpretation be and ..

Rooz: I am not interpreting, just asking a question.

Ghazizadeh: The nature of your question is wrong.

Rooz: Why?

Ghazizadeh: Please repeat your question.

Rooz: What is your issue with political development and civil freedoms. Why do you threaten Rowhani’s administration?

Ghazizadeh: I did not use the first person for that statement.

Rooz: So is this the position of the Steadfast Front and not your position?

Ghazizadeh: I present my interpretation from existing conditions. In that interview I said that we have higher priorities. Secondly, this is a sensitive issue because its confines have not been defined. So if he engages in issues that are not primary, specifically economic and social issues and then cultural ones, and instead engages in issues that were pursued during the reform period without a clear definition of their parameters, for example without a definition of what is meant by civil freedoms, what is their relationship with religious rulings, etc. When they talk of political development it is not clear where it crosses national security. When we get involved in issues without clear definitions then things become questionable. Another example is that Mr. Rowhani has been using the term moderation. Reformists define moderation their own way. Because everyone has his own interpretation of this notion, it causes political divisions.

Rooz: What if Mr. Rowhani wants to pursue political development along with the other issues that you mentioned? You said you are opposed to it if he chooses one over the other.

Ghazizadeh: These are theoretical issues. The other issue is that whether this is something within the purview of the government or not. What is the meaning of civil freedom? Does this mean the release of criminals? Release of criminals is the prerogative of the judiciary and has nothing to do with the president. One of the problems we have had with previous presidents too has been that they would intervene in the affairs of the other branches. If by political development they mean the civil presence of some groups to do certain things then these have their own frameworks and these groups can do their work right now. But government is not responsible for this. Another issue the media. Regarding media permits there is the supreme media council in which the Majlis and the judiciary have representatives in addition to those of the government. Investigation of media violations is the purview of the judiciary and has nothing to do with the government. So these issues are irrelevant but the result of such talk is division and conflict. It is like me to talking on behalf governors as a Majlis representative. Governors will tell me the issues are none of my business. The constitution has defined the responsibilities of different branches and these would be followed. The problem with previous presidents too was that they would act beyond their legal powers as defined in the constitution and the current laws.

Rooz: What is your definition of political development and civil liberties?

Ghazizadeh: When we speak of civil liberties it means that people should have the ability to get their legal rights. You will agree that laws must rule and define over social relations. People have different pursuits. A man’s relations with his wife, with his parents, with his neighbors. The relations of an exporter, a worker, an employer etc must be defined by law. We must be able to acquire our rights. At the same time society too must be able to pursue the duties that I have towards it and I must act on them. For example I do not have the right to drive beyond the speed limit and thus endanger the lives of others simply because I want to. My rights and those of society define the limits of civil freedoms. This is also true regarding political development. We apparently have a democratic system but with our own specific definitions of religious democracy which makes us responsible to religious ruling. The limit of political development is national security and religious rites. In the US too they do not allow anyone to act against the national interest of the country.

Rooz: Some of the issues that you mentioned are related to people’s calls during the elections for the release of political prisoners and the lifting of the house arrest of Mir-Hossein Mousavi, Zahra Rahnavard and Mehdi Karoubi. Are you against this?

Ghazizadeh: Again you are asking the wrong question. The word people is the wrong one. Tell me who? Correct your question so that I can respond to it?

Rooz: Some people have asked this.

Ghazizadeh: No. People is a general term. When you say some it means a small number. Yes, there are people in our society who wish to engage in drug trafficking and they do not want anyone to interfere with their activities. So you expect us to tell the judiciary not to bother them? There are people who have committed crimes and they are being treated according to law. Due process of law and the judiciary are the ways to pursue their issue. They have attorneys and they can go to the court and pursue the issue.

Rooz: But those who are under house arrest have not been tried in a court of law and they have no defense attorneys or even a court ruling.

Ghazizadeh: We do not have political prisoners in the country. These are people have acted against the national security of the country or those who have set fire to public property or whose actions have resulted in the death of people. Some people went to the demonstrations and others organized and managed them. Innocent lives were lost. They cannot be allowed to come and create chaos or to support those who do. We hope the judiciary will soon investigate this issue.

Rooz: The accusations of murder that you mention were made after the arrests relating to the elections.

Ghazizadeh: They were accomplices. I did not say they were directly involved in murder. They issued statement that incited the public to do those things. I too did not get enough votes to get into office, does this mean I should start riots and destroy public property which would result in the death of one or two people?

Rooz: So you are accusing Mousavi and Karoubi of being accomplices in murder. Why they are not tried in a court of law for such crimes?

Ghazizadeh: This is not correct either. You should ask the judiciary. But they were arrested with the judiciary’s warrants and they are under house arrest with the judiciary’s orders. Nobody can be dealt with like this without judiciary orders. Even what the ministry of intelligence does are ordered by the judiciary. Arrests too are carried out on the basis of the orders of a judge. Furthermore, when they want to issue punishments beyond certain limits, they must get the fatwa from a responsible authority.

Rooz: Do you mean that a fatwa was issued for the house arrest of these people?

Ghazizadeh: I do not know and am only stating the procedure. These have not been the positions of Mr. Rowhani and he has in the past kept his distance with them. Even Mr. Aref, even though there was some opportunism there. You should not take the slogans of a small group of people very seriously.

Rooz: But they were not so small. Video films show them. Mr. Khatami too has spoken about these issues. The advisory council (which advises the reformers) has asked the supreme leader to help Mr. Rowhani in this regard.

Ghazizadeh: Mr. Khatami has said many such things and continues but they are not that important.

Rooz: What was the role of the Steadfast Front in the events of Bahman 22 (February 11)? Majlis’ official website has named the Steadfast Front to be the principal party responsible for the events. And ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi is mentioned as the moral father of the Steadfast Front.

Ghazizadeh: Others have commented regarding this and we cannot support wrong views.

Rooz: So you reject what the Majlis website has written?

Ghazizadeh: A bad event took place on the day when the minister of labor was being questioned in the Majlis. The head of the executive branch responded badly, just as did the head of the Majlis and some Majlis representatives and the supreme leader issued a warning as well. The feelings of the pious were hurt. Clearly some of these individuals will be supporters of some political groups, including the Steadfast Front. There are groups that are interested and supportive of the Steadfast Front such as Hezbollahi groups.

Rooz: What was the reason for the split among Mehdi Kootchakzadeh, Hamid Rasai and Ruhollah Bejayi?

Ghazizadeh: The Steadfast Front is not a political party in the sense that it does not have a single imposing structure. Members of the central council have accepted organizational work from a moral perspective for the common good who announce their agreed views and decisions. And when they announce their views, unlike a political party or groups in the West, these are only advisory opinions. These are not orders that must be followed.

Rooz: Have Mr. Kootchakzadeh and Mr. Rasai left the Steadfast Front?

Ghazizadeh: If you mean membership in the central council, then no they are not members. But they are part of the dialog of the Steadfast Front and both supported Mr. Jalili in the June presidential elections.

Rooz: Ayatollah Yazdi’s views are not orders for the Steadfast Front”

Ghazizadeh: According to the front’s charter, all the decisions must be approved by the clerical council, one of whom is ayatollah Yazdi. But on the issue of whether all the members of the Front have a duty to follow the rulings of the central council and the clerical council, the answer is a no.

Rooz: Who are the other two clerics that you mentioned?

One was Mr. Khoshvaght who died and the other cleric does not want his name to be mentioned.

Rooz: Why not?

Ghazizadeh: I know the reason but if I mention it then his name would be obvious.

Rooz: What is your and the Front’s position vis-à-vis Mr. Ahmadinejad? He had worked with the principlists for 8 years and you have said that you too had supported him during the campaign. Now most principlists say Ahmadinejad is not a principlist.

Ghazizadeh: We are not in a position to say what he should do, but just like the other presidents he has his influence and supporters. He may retire, like Mousavi did after his post, or he may want to remain active like Rafsanjani.

Rooz: But was he a principlist or not? He remained in power for 8 years with their support but now they hold him responsible for all the problems and say he never was a principlist?

Ghazizadeh: Public opinion believes he was a principlist and the principlists get the credit for the positive acts of the government, just like the negative ones. Apparently his good work helped principlist win in the eighth and ninth Majlis elections because people were happy with the administration’s performance. But the activities of the last two years especially the economic crisis resulted in the defeat of the principlists in the elections. I see the vote to be the result of the economic and political battles of the principlists rather than the work of Mr. Rowhani and his supporters.

Rooz: So you agree that people voted No to the policies of the principlists.

Ghazizadeh: Yes because the last two years witnessed much battles and differences. The same thing happened in Mr. Rafsanjani and Mr. Khatami’s administrations. In other words it was not a vote against them but to policies that were pursued by their administrations towards the end.