Western Journalists, Iranian Questions

Nooshabeh Amiri
Nooshabeh Amiri

Reading and watching President Ahmadinejad’s interviews in the United States, a few ‎general observations stand out. The first is what the Iranian government and its associates ‎thought of the interviews which is that the president spoke with an “iron fist” striking at ‎the Great Satan, which probably left no teeth in its mouth!‎

Non-government observers, however, made one of three conclusions or assumptions, ‎after the interviews, which are that:‎

‎1-Western journalists demonstrated their ignorance and that they constantly deal with the ‎same is issues;‎

‎2-Behind these interviews, business continues as usual as economic deals, the Persian ‎carpet, and the receptions play the key role, and,‎

‎3-The problem that the Iranian people have with governments such as the ninth ‎administration in Iran, is not the central concern of foreign journalists.‎

I don’t want to go into the conclusions that the government has reached over the ‎president’s interviews because they reflect the same old story and in any case they have a ‎different purpose in giving these interviews. I am interested in looking at the conclusions ‎‎(or observations) reached by journalists. Being a journalist myself, I have issues with the ‎first and second conclusions, while the third one is interesting to me. Here is why.‎

The first observation. We must be still very naïve and prisoners of obsolete views to think ‎that “we are better than the rest of the world” and so conclude that Western journalists are ‎ignorant, don’t know how to research about their interviewee s, etc. The world is full of ‎first class professional journalists who not only know this profession well but also have ‎all the resources to learn everything about their interviewees. And in fact a large number ‎of these journalists are in the United States.‎

The second observation. This one is based on the view that “everybody was paid off”. ‎While we Iranians constantly engage in conspiracy theories and have thousands of ‎reasons for doing so, the latest one being the words of the ninth administration itself that ‎it came to power through a complex and multi-level operation, but this does not apply to ‎everything around us, particularly when one end of this game lies outside Iran. There is ‎no doubt that the role of money is gaining importance by the day around the world and ‎calls the shots, as the saying goes, but this too is not absolute, especially in a multi-polar ‎world. If this was the case, the world would be a safe heaven for the political and ‎economic mafia and people like Ahmadinejad would not have to resort to all these ‎political games to promote their agenda. Furthermore, the accusation of “A Persian carpet ‎in exchange for an interview” is a serious charge cannot apply to everyone and all, even ‎though the carpet can bring in different benefits.‎

And now the third observation. The Western reporter comes to the interview session with ‎logic, reason and more importantly with questions that are important to him. He only has ‎time for one or two questions. He does not use the opportunity to ask a question about the ‎torturing of a Kurdish student, even if he knows the name of the student and even if his ‎heart beats for him. What he wants to know is what direction relations between the ‎United States and Iran will take. The statements calling for the destruction of Israel, or ‎some have said playing with the Israeli card, are only a political game for the purpose of ‎getting more concessions or perhaps getting a security guarantee for the Islamic Republic ‎of Iran. Is Iran an ally of the West or a sponsor of regional Islamic groups? For what ‎goal? And other similar questions. And of course there are questions regarding human ‎rights, even though these are not the first questions.‎

The world of politics has its own rules. Once the big issues are resolved, the little ones ‎will fall into place. And if there are unresolved emotional issues, they will not lead to ‎suicide attacks. On the other hand, we Iranian journalists have a different story. When ‎Mr. Ahmadinejad says that Iran is a free country, we have a thousand examples to ‎disprove him. When he says that Iranians freely talk in front of him and the leader we ‎have hundreds of examples to show otherwise. When he says that he enjoys 98 percent of ‎the public’s support, we invariably are reminded of the para-military group called the ‎Baseej. When he talks of exemplary lives of intellectuals, religious groups etc, we know ‎examples for each group whose problems are exemplary, and not their lives.‎

This is why when we listen to Ahmadinejad being interviewed by Westerners, we want to ‎jump in and say: What about Osanloo (the trade union activist who has been in jail for ‎trade activism); What have the Kurds done; What about the widespread poverty in Iran; ‎What about corruption at the highest levels; What about Saeed Mortezavi (reference to ‎the notorious Tehran public prosecutor); What about commander Zarei (of the police ‎force); and thousands of other “What abouts”. These are our questions, not those of ‎Westerners. But they do not ask these questions not because they don’t know, but ‎because these are not their issues. Not because there is a Persian carpet to be exchanged. ‎A Persian cat may be, but definitely not a carpet.‎

But the key issue really is this: It is our unanswered questions that will finally determine ‎the fate of Ahmadinejad and other actors behind the scene. And while we cannot freely ‎ask these questions, they thrive in our heart. And the number of hearts that have these ‎questions is growing by the day. These are the hearts that have graced kings to grandeur, ‎or banished them to exile. And on that day of judgment, every time someone like ‎Ahmadinejad claims that 98 percent of the public freely expresses their views in front of ‎me and the leader, 98 percent will freely say that he is lying. And the judgment will be ‎read out not only in the Western media and in the presence of Western journalists, but ‎prior to that it will be announced through the domestic networks.‎